By Adam I. P. Smith
Throughout the Civil warfare, Northerners fought one another in elections with virtually as a lot zeal as they fought Southern rebels at the battlefield. but politicians and citizens alike claimed that partisanship was once harmful in a time of nationwide crisis.
In No get together Now, Adam I. P. Smith demanding situations the existing view that political strategies within the North in some way helped the Union be extra solid and powerful within the conflict. in its place, Smith argues, early efforts to droop get together politics collapsed within the face of divisions over slavery and the aim of the struggle. while, new contexts for political mobilization, reminiscent of the military and the avowedly non-partisan Union Leagues, undermined traditional partisan practices. The administration's supporters quickly used the facility of anti-party discourse to their virtue via connecting their very own antislavery arguments to a strong nationalist ideology. by the point of the 1864 election they sought to de-legitimize partisan competition with slogans like "No social gathering Now yet curious about Our Country!"
No get together Now deals a reinterpretation of Northern wartime politics that demanding situations the "party interval paradigm" in American political background and divulges the numerous ways that the original situations of warfare altered the political calculations and behaviour of politicians and citizens alike. As Smith exhibits, underneath the superficial harmony lay profound transformations concerning the implications of the battle for the type of state that the us was once to become.
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Extra info for No Party Now: Politics in the Civil War North
The increasingly confident Republican assertion of the power and authority of the government—which was to reach its apogee during the Civil War—was a challenging alternative to this traditional Democratic conception of the nation. While Republicans saw the Slave Power as threatening republican liberty, Democrats saw the moralism and sectional extremism of the Republicans as a dire threat to the Union. Even after the catastrophic schism in the Democratic Party in , the presidential candidate and leader of the Northern Democrats, Stephen A.
The Republican Party had become, in the minds of its supporters, the means by which the ideals of the Declaration of Independence could be implemented. 33 Summing up the views of the mass of Northerners who had supported him in the election, Lincoln pointed out to the future Confederate Vice President Alexander H. ”34 If the Republican Party considered itself to have no less than a millennialist responsibility, such convictions energized the already converted and reinforced a strong and active core of party organizers.
16 In this project, Seward received strong support from Henry Raymond, the politically moderate editor of the increasingly influential New York Times. “The great question pending,” declared a February editorial, is “whether Mr. ” In other words, who would seize the mantle of Unionism? 19 Seward and allies like Raymond played an important role in the development of the Republican Party during the Civil War. Their sensitivity to the conservatism of public opinion and their preoccupation always to cast the war as the initiator of a grand future of national development greatly influenced Lincoln and the way in which the party’s appeal was formulated.